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Characteristics of the Martyr Leader's Civilizational School/ Suprapersonal Figure of Iranian Civilisation

Characteristics of the Martyr Leader's Civilizational School/ Suprapersonal Figure of Iranian Civilisation

Dr Saied Reza Ameli

Professor of Communications and Global Studies at the University of Tehran, Member of the Academy of Sciences of the Islamic Republic of Iran

 

As we mark the fortieth day since the martyrdom of our beloved leader and mentor, the grief remains as acute as ever, deepening the profound sense of a monumental loss. Yet, his passing during the holy month of Ramadan—at peace, with a clenched fist, and whilst reciting the Holy Quran—represents a sublime virtue bestowed by the Almighty upon monumental figure of Iranian civilisation. It serves as an eternal testament to his unwavering loyalty and sincerity towards the people of Iran and the oppressed of the world. He was a chosen figure, guided by divine providence and a true man of God. 

 

Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Hosseini Khamenei (RIP), the sagacious leader of the Islamic Revolution, attained the high honour of martyrdom at the age of 86. On 28 February 2026 (corresponding to the 10th of Ramadan 1447 AH), he passed away at his station of duty and struggle, in the midst of Quranic recitation. He was accompanied in those final moments by his daughter, son-in-law, daughter-in-law, and his cherished grandchildren. His departure has plunged not only Iran but the awakened conscience of the Islamic world into profound mourning. This martyrdom was the ultimate manifestation of a life defined by nobility—a journey that, from beginning to end, narrated a steadfast defiance against the tempests of tyranny, cementing his legacy as a civilisational icon of Iran.

 

Sixty-five years of relentless activism and Jihad, a continuous struggle against the global hegemony, and an abiding compassion for the noble nation of Iran—now sealed by his own blood and that of his kin—offer a vivid and undeniable portrait of integrity, stewardship, and devotion to the Iranian people and all seekers of freedom. That he fell in the line of duty at his workplace, rather than in a bunker or secluded from the public, evokes the spirit of Karbala before the eyes of contemporary history.

 

The martyrdom of this icon of resistance alongside his family—from his 14-month-old granddaughter, Zahra Mohammadi, to his children and several aides, ranging from lifelong companions to high-ranking generals—is a clear testament to the resilience and cohesion of his school of thought. He was a martyr-leader who epitomised devotion to God, wisdom, holistic vision, the pursuit of justice, and the fight against colonialism and imperialist structures.

 

A brief reflection on his life of enlightenment and wisdom reveals a man who had the honour of being immersed in the Holy Quran since the age of four. Over the decades, drawing upon divine knowledge rooted in the Quran and Sunnah, as well as an intimate command of both Persian and world literature, combined with the practical experience of anti-colonial struggle, he presented to the world the persona of a sage and a divine statesman.

 

Throughout his eighty-six years, more than sixty-five were dedicated to the perilous path of resistance against global hegemony. This journey was marked by imprisonment, exile, torture, and surviving assassination attempts, alongside enduring the immense pressures of internal dissent, political turmoil, and international conspiracies.

 

For over forty-four years, the beloved leader carried the physical burden of a profound sacrifice. Following a severe assassination attempt in June 1981, he sustained critical injuries to his upper right shoulder and thigh, including a fractured collarbone and the severance of several veins and nerves. From that moment, he lost the use of his right arm. Yet, despite this disability, for more than four decades he stood tall and unwavering, never allowing the adversary the satisfaction of witnessing a moment of weakness. With the exception of one rare instance, he never spoke of his physical suffering. He led the community with such fortitude and vitality that one might have imagined his spirit was untouched by pain; he spoke always with the vigour of a young warrior and the insight of a global sage, becoming a fountainhead of monumental intellectual and spiritual movements in the contemporary world.

 

When we speak of the 'School' of our martyred leader, we refer to a purposeful, cohesive, and systematic worldview. This framework integrated the ultimate objectives of life, the means of achieving them, and the requisite cultural values into a consistent and lucid tradition of leadership.

 

This school of thought is defined by ten fundamental characteristics, each reflecting a structured, goal-oriented, and steadfast approach that is etched into every chapter of his life’s history. It represents a legacy where personal conviction and political governance were harmonised into a singular, enduring tradition.
1. Enduring Tawhid (Divine Unity) and God-Centricity
The sagacious and martyred leader of the Revolution was a perennial reminder of the power of God, divine laws, and the sacred traditions of the Almighty. In his view (2012), Tawhid was fundamentally defined as “belief in God and the rejection of false idols (Taghut),” and “the servitude of God to the exclusion of all else.” This perspective interprets Tawhid through the foundational creed: There is no god but God.

 

He was a man of profound nocturnal devotion (Tahajjud), constant engagement with the Holy Quran, and deep contemplation of divine teachings. Furthermore, he placed immense weight on “absolute trust and reliance upon the Almighty,” “faith in divine victory and promises,” and “maintaining a positive expectation (Husn al-Zann) of God.” He regarded these as the formative elements of the Islamic Revolution’s resilience and as critical factors in confronting adversarial hostilities and overcoming hardships.

 

In a discourse (2011a), he remarked: “We must maintain a positive expectation of the Almighty. God censures those who lack this trust... To harbour doubt in God is to imagine that His promise—'God will surely help those who help Him'—is anything less than the truth, or to believe that the pledge—'Those who strive in Our cause, We shall surely guide them to Our paths'—could ever be broken.” He considered Tawhid and the sovereignty of divine values over society to be the bedrock of the Revolution, stating in 2003: “Tawhid means the reign of divine values over society and the rejection of tyrannical, despotic, corrupt, and rebellious regimes that suppress authentic human values. Therefore, Tawhid was the backbone and the essential message of the Islamic Revolution.”
2. Wisdom (Hikmah)-Centricity
Qurashi (1973: Vol 2, 163) defines wisdom as “a faculty of perception and discernment through which an individual grasps truth and reality, preventing corruption and ensuring that actions are executed with precision and robustness.” A possessor of wisdom is one who anchors the rejection of tyranny, ignorance, sin, and irrationality in divine mandates. In this framework, wisdom becomes the source of “abundant good” (Khayr Kathir) within society; without it, leaders would witness the unchecked spread of oppression and folly. As the Holy Quran states: “He grants wisdom to whom He pleases; and he to whom wisdom is granted receives indeed a benefit overflowing; but none will grasp the Message but men of understanding” (Al-Baqarah, 269).

 

The sagacious leader of the Islamic Revolution, through his mastery of domestic and international affairs and his prudent foresight, looked beyond the present to focus on future horizons, thereby delineating a logical and correct path for progress. His emphasis on “national vigilance” as a prerequisite for success reflects this wisdom (2012b), preventing nations from becoming oblivious to their distinguished heritage: “...A great nation with an ancient civilisation and a prominent scientific legacy can find itself sidelined if it becomes heedless of its own condition...”

 

A profound grasp of regional and global developments, coupled with a rigorous analysis of events, was another hallmark of the martyred leader’s wisdom. His addresses to the Assembly of Experts (2014) underscored the necessity of “correctly perceiving global realities” and “playing an active role in the international arena”: “...The previous world order, in which Western powers managed global affairs, is no longer sustainable... In our view, two matters are paramount: first, that the realities we observe today are not analysed inaccurately or inversely... second, that we prepare ourselves to play a role in the emergence of a new world order.”

 

Furthermore, in the realm of diplomacy, he established three pillars (2011b)—”Wisdom, Dignity, and Expediency” (Hikmah, Izzat, Maslahat)—as the basis for constructive and effective global engagement: “Wisdom entails being able to wisely align the positions of the opposing party with your own; these are not in conflict. Wisdom, dignity, and expediency are complementary; they must serve national interests and, primarily, be accompanied by the preservation of national honour and identity.”

 

Moreover, the martyr of wisdom and knowledge (2013a) regards “unity” as the most critical issue facing the Islamic world, emphasizing the dawn of an “Islamic Awakening” among Muslim nations: “Today, the most important issue in the Muslim world is unity—unity towards shared goals; the goal of political independence, the goal of establishing religious democracy, and the goal of implementing divine law in Islamic societies... The path forward is Islamic Awakening; it is the awareness of the status of Muslim nations.” This awakening, he argues, is inextinguishable; the “self-belief and restoration of Islamic identity” that has emerged cannot be undone even by the suppression or removal of governments: “Once a sense of Islamic duty and identity is born within a nation, it cannot be easily eradicated” (2013b).

 

The exalted martyred leader, the Imam and 'Master of Martyrs' of the Revolution, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei (RIP) (2013c), believed that “resolve and will, backed by faith, trust in God, insight (Basirah), and prudence,” were the factors that would “lead Muslim nations to victory and honour amidst these challenges.” He viewed the salvation of the great Muslim community as dependent on individuals who “harmonize thought and action with faith, sincerity, and devotion, and who combine resistance against vengeful enemies with spiritual and inner self-building.” Indeed, he saw 'Islam' as the liberating force for the Ummah, stating in 1997: “...What we desire for our Muslim brothers throughout the world is that governments and nations look upon Islam as their saviour and regard it as the source of their dignity, pride, and nobility.”
3. Iran-Centricity
A central pillar of the martyred leader's intellectual school was a steadfast focus on Iran as a civilisational heartland, possessing sublime historical, cultural, and ethical capacities. In his worldview, Iranian identity was not a form of racial or secular nationalism, but rather a “rational and religious patriotism” that intertwined devotion to the motherland with Islamic faith. He remarked (2023a): “Islamicity and Iranian identity are not opposing poles; they are a single reality. Anyone who becomes a partisan and soldier of Islam will naturally defend every value—including the value of the homeland and the nation. 'Love of the homeland is a part of faith'; this is a matter of creed.”

 

He placed significant emphasis on pride in Iranian identity, the preservation of the Persian language, and national independence, viewing these as essential complements to the country’s power alongside Islam. This perspective sees no conflict with Islamic values, focusing instead on Iran's progress and authority. Grand Ayatollah Khamenei (RIP) noted (2023a): “Since the dawn of the Revolution, a certain group has attempted to pit national sentiment and the celebration of Iran against Islamic and revolutionary inclinations, trying to bifurcate nationality and Islamicity. The [Iran-Iraq] war, the Sacred Defence, and our dear martyrs clearly and practically invalidated this false temptation.” In this view, nationalism is defined as the endeavour for Iran’s exaltation under the aegis of Islam.

 

The martyred leader consistently stressed the cultivation of a generation that takes pride in its Iranian heritage and guards its history and language. “You must revive the sense of Iranian-Islamic identity and national character in the children of this country. The issue of language is vital; nationality is vital; the flag is vital. They must be cherished; these are essentials, these are fundamental. You must awaken this national self-identification in students; [the student] must be proud of being Iranian. And indeed, there is much to be proud of” (2023b). He insisted that this pride must be imparted to the youth through sound education in schools.

 

Reflecting on Iran’s unparalleled historical capacities—from the ancient Persian civilisation to the present—the martyred leader believed that the Iranian nation is traversing a path of civilisational awakening by the grace of Islam. He stated (2018): “National identity must be strengthened within the country’s elite; they must feel that they are 'Muslim Iranians' and take pride in it. They must be proud that they are the continuation of a most honourable and valuable history. Our science once conquered the world; our philosophy was once the pre-eminent philosophy in the world; our scholars, our law, and our jurisprudence were the same. We are the heirs to that history.”

 

He viewed Iran as a distinguished identity within the Islamic world—a synthesis of profound faith, national zeal, and an ancient civilisational legacy. In contrast to “West-struck” perspectives or extremist nationalism, Gran Ayatollah Khamenei (RIP) defined Iranian identity within the framework of authentic Islam. He observed (2015b): “Iranian identity is a remarkable phenomenon in history. All those who invaded Iran were, in one way or another, eventually absorbed into it; their language, their customs, their culture. The only exception is Islam; Islam came to Iran but was not submerged by it. It remained, and the Iranian accepted Islam from the depths of his soul... Iran’s language did not change; Persian remained. This is a unique characteristic of our country... Iranian identity did its work.” He further addressed the youth (ibid.): “Dear young people! Know that the arena of Islamic and Iranian identity is one that requires courage, sacrifice, knowledge, and deep faith. Prepare yourselves; all youth are the audience of these words, but you, our dear youth in the armed forces, are addressed more than others; you must prepare yourselves.”

 

A cornerstone of our martyred leader’s devotion to Iranian identity was his profound reverence for the Persian language and literature, as well as his efforts to elevate the civilisational legacy of Iran’s poets and scholars. He was himself a formidable man of letters; his discourses and literary interventions were of the highest calibre, and he was an accomplished poet in his own right, composing verses that were as rhythmic as they were meaningful. For his poetic pseudonym, he chose “Nasim” (The Breeze)—and indeed, his presence was a melodic breeze of civilisational beauty and elegance.

 

The beloved leader, whose heart was ever-entrusted to the Divine, shared a deep and enduring bond with the works of Saadi and Hafez. Of Saadi, he remarked: “Saadi is one of the fundamental pillars upon which the robust edifice of Persian literature is built. The fruits of his poetry and prose constitute one of the most distinguished features of our magnificent contemporary culture... Saadi’s counsel, derived from the teachings of the Quran and the Prophetic traditions, has always been etched in gold upon the minds of those seeking wisdom; his eloquent and candid tongue has unlocked the treasuries of meaning for searching and eager hearts.”

 

His devotion to Hafez was equally mesmerising. After his daily recitation of the Holy Quran, he shared a beautiful intimacy with the poetry of Hafez. He once recalled: “There were times when I would not sleep at night until I had read at least one or two ghazals by Hafez. You may find this surprising, but it is an inescapable reality. Indeed, without reading Hafez, sleep would not come” (Mo’meni, 2025). 

 

He adopted the pen name “Amin” (The Trustworthy) for his verses. In the book Amin of Revolutionary Poetry, the distinguished poet Hujjat al-Islam Ansari-Nejad adorns the collection with a recent poem by the leader. This work serves as a window into his soul, reflecting his transcendental identity and his deepest spiritual preoccupations:

 

One step I take upon the patient Way,
One step I hold, lest haste my course betray.
A trembling needle turns me toward the Pole,
Through circling days Thou draw’st my restless soul.
On hope’s fine thread above this stony field,
I walk, though hidden tremors are revealed.
I boasted once of will enthroned in might,
Now, like a weeping flame, I fade in night.
Let sorrow’s clouds descend and veil the sky,
With Love I walk; in Love I live and die.
What fear have I of grief or bitter art,
When Thou, Consoler, dwellest in my heart?
It is not meet that I in low should lie,
A mountain stream, from hidden heights I fly.
Though time has sown its silver in my hair,
An ageless spring renews my being fair.
Like cypress green that scorns the autumn’s breath,
I wear May’s robe upon the edge of death.
From Mashhad’s sacred dust a sign I bear,
Thy seal of grace is set upon me there.
Rejoice, O Amin, in this secret sign:
The Friend has marked this fleeting heart as Thine.
In truth, our martyred leader was the “Trustee (Amin) of the Iranian Nation”—and indeed, the trustee of the world’s oppressed. He was unfailingly loyal, deeply concerned for the welfare of his people, and devoted to the exaltation of both Iran and Islam. Despite the injustices he faced, he maintained a profound respect for diverse political ideas and orientations. His conduct during elections and his consistent support for every President throughout the history of the Revolution stood as a testament to his stewardship of the people's vote and his unwavering fidelity to the beloved nation of Iran.
4. Holistic Vision and the Pursuit of a New Islamic Civilisation
A cornerstone of the martyred leader’s intellectual school was his holistic approach to governance, simultaneously harnessing diverse capacities to achieve a grand strategic objective; the “New Islamic Civilisation,” guided by an Islamic-Iranian model of progress.

 

The emergence of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 was not a mere political transition; it marked the birth of a new era in human history, challenging the very foundations of the global world order. Under the leadership of Grand Ayatollah Imam Khomeini (RIP) and subsequently Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei (RIP), this event transcended the mere overthrow of a monarchy. It represented a fundamental reimagining of the nature of government, society, and the relationship between humanity and the Divine. In a twentieth century dominated by the binary of capitalist and communist ideologies, the Islamic Revolution introduced a “Third Way” as a system rooted in divine sovereignty, where spiritual and temporal authority converged under the guidance of revelation. This was not a reform, but a revolution in the truest sense—a complete inversion of the assumptions governing modernity and their replacement with a vision derived from the foundational principles of Islam.

 

The impact of the Revolution radiated far beyond Iran’s borders, shattering the myth that Muslim societies must inevitably follow Western paradigms of secular nationalism or authoritarian modernity. As the pre-eminent intellectual architect of the Revolution in the post-Grand Ayatollah Khomeini (RIP) era, the martyred Grand Ayatollah Khamenei (RIP) articulated this as an “Islamic Civilisational Awakening,” reasserting spiritual and cultural independence against what he termed the global hegemony.

 

The establishment of the Islamic Republic demonstrated that a state could derive its legitimacy not only from popular will or coercive force, but from fidelity to Divine Law, interpreted through the framework of Velayat-e Faqih (the Guardianship of the Jurist). This synthesis of theological principles with contemporary governance provided a template for resistance against hegemonic powers, inspiring movements across the Islamic world and beyond.

 

The martyred leader viewed the duty of the Islamic Ummah as achieving comprehensive progress through the creation of a “New Islamic Civilisation”—one distinct from the prevailing global powers' approach to humanity. In his view (2015c), this new civilisation was not about “territorial conquest,” “violating the rights of nations,” or “imposing one's culture upon others.” Rather, it was about “offering a Divine gift to nations, so that they may choose the right path through their own volition and discernment.” Thus, the Islamic civilisation stands in direct opposition to the “interests of Zionist capitalists and the world's oppressive, predatory corporations” (2014c).

 

In constructing this new civilisation, the martyred leader advocated for “utilising global experience, yet infused with a spiritual soul.” He remarked (2015c): “Just as Europeans once drew upon the knowledge of Muslims... we today utilise global knowledge and existing tools to establish an Islamic civilisation, but one imbued with the Islamic spirit and spirituality.” He identified the resources for this civilisational project as the vast Muslim population, strategic territories, abundant natural resources, and talented human capital.

 

However, the primary benchmark of this civilisation, according to the martyred leader (2013c), is “the empowerment of human beings to utilise all material and spiritual capacities bestowed by God for their felicity and transcendence.” He argued that the outward manifestation of this civilisation must be sought in “popular government, laws derived from the Quran, and the role of Ijtihad (legal reasoning) in addressing contemporary human needs.” Furthermore, it must be evidenced in the “avoidance of dogmatism and reactionism, as well as heresy and eclecticism; in the creation of public welfare and wealth; in the establishment of justice; in the eradication of an economy based on cronyism and usury; in the expansion of human ethics; in the defence of the world's oppressed; and in the tireless pursuit of innovation and labour.”
5. People-Centred Governance; Power Rooted in the People, Legitimised by their Vote and Participation
The trajectory of the martyred leader’s political and social life reflected a continuous and meaningful engagement with all strata of society. His interactions spanned a vast spectrum; from poets and novelists to cinematographers and journalists; from eminent scientists and social elites to students and schoolchildren. His frequent travels to every province across the country—a tradition he established during his presidency and consistently urged his successors to uphold—served as a testament to his profound devotion to the people and his desire for a sincere, intimate bond with the citizenry.

 

Structurally, the model of the Islamic Republic is predicated on “Religious Democracy.” Under this framework, every pillar of governance—from the national referendum on the system itself to the election of the President, Members of Parliament, the Assembly of Experts, and local councils—is determined by the popular vote.

 

For Grand Ayatollah Khamenei (RIP) (2013c), religious democracy means that “the people elect their parliamentary representatives, they elect the President, they indirectly appoint ministers, they elect the Assembly of Experts, and they indirectly elect the Leader.” He maintained that this system was an organic outgrowth of faith: “Our democracy emerged from the heart of Islam... it is rooted in religion; Islam has shown us this path” (2013c). The institutionalisation of this people-centric model remained a constant feature of his intellectual school.

 

He asserted (2013c) that the participation of the public alongside officials was fundamental to shaping the future: “The progress and reconstruction expected for our future cannot be realised without the participation of the people. Therefore, alongside the management provided by officials, the presence of the people is essential... without them, no project will advance, and no objective will be met.”

 

Furthermore, the martyred leader viewed public participation as a hallmark of loyalty to the Revolution and hope in the system. He remarked (2013c): “The Iranian nation takes pride in having traversed the path of Islamic democracy through successive cycles with vigour and enthusiasm. The widespread participation of the people... sent clear messages to the world; a message of unshakeable loyalty to the Revolution, a message of trust and hope in the Islamic Republic, and a message of confidence in a courageous and pioneering clergy, as well as in those public servants who, through their resolve and initiative, seek to build upon successes and alleviate hardships.”
6. Justice as the Foundation of Divine Ordinances and the Central Pillar of the Wise Leader’s Doctrine 
The paramountcy of justice in Islam is rooted in the Holy Quran, representing an attribute that the Almighty has ascribed to Himself. As the Scripture declares: “God bears witness that there is no god but He—and so do the angels and those possessed of knowledge—upholding justice; there is no god but He, the Almighty, the Wise” (Al-Imran, 18). Indeed, it is estimated that approximately one-tenth of Quranic verses directly or indirectly address this theme (Sayyad-Nejad, 2006: 86).

 

In Islamic thought, the concept of justice is so foundational that many scholars regard it as a criterion for jurisprudence (Fiqh) and legal deduction. Specifically, within Shīʿa jurisprudence, justice is viewed as the bedrock, stemming from the belief in the principle of 'Absolute Justice', the notion that divine laws follow objective interests and harms (Masalih and Mafasid), and the rational principle of 'Essential Good and Evil' (Al-Husn wal-Qubh al-Aqli). The martyred leader consistently placed justice and the eradication of discrimination and inequality in opportunities at the forefront of his agenda.

 

He (2011c) defined justice as “the equitable distribution of a nation's vital resources and the fair allocation of opportunities among the citizenry.” Regarding social justice, he considered it (2004) “the most critical and primary feature of the Great Imam’s [Grand Ayatollah Khomeini (RIP)] political school,” stating: “In all governmental programmes... social justice and the bridging of class divides must be the ultimate objective.”

 

Addressing the relationship between justice and economic growth, he remarked in 1993: “Economic growth is not the primary issue when it comes to social justice and public welfare; what is paramount is that there should be no poverty or deprivation in society, and no discrimination in the use of public resources... those assets which are public, such as opportunities and facilities belonging to the entire country, must be free from discrimination.”

 

In his worldview (2004), justice and economic development were not mutually exclusive: “The innovation of our system lies in our desire to have justice alongside development and economic growth; these are not contradictory.” He posited justice as the end, and growth as the means (1995): “Some imagined that we must first spend a period on growth and development, and only upon reaching an ideal point, turn to social justice. This is not an Islamic thought. Justice is the goal, and growth is its precursor.”

 

Furthermore, he viewed progress and justice as inseparable (2008), emphasizing: “We seek progress accompanied by justice... neither justice without progress is desirable, nor progress without justice. Justice without progress means equality in backwardness and poverty; we do not seek that. Conversely, we never demand progress without justice.” He regarded justice as a primary indicator of genuine progress (2012b): “If a country advances in science, technology, and various facets of material civilisation but lacks social justice, this is not progress in our view or by the logic of Islam... such progress is superficial, illusory, and hollow.”

 

At the heart of Grand Ayatollah Khamenei’s (RIP) worldview lay an unshakeable commitment to justice, manifested most powerfully in his resolute stance against all forms of oppression. His perspective on Palestine epitomises this principle; he viewed the Palestinian struggle not merely as a territorial dispute, but as the defining moral issue of our time—a test of the human conscience. In this analysis, the occupation of Palestinian lands is not only a political injustice but a fundamental violation of Divine Law and human dignity. This position was born from deep theological convictions regarding the necessity of resistance against hegemony, coupled with a sophisticated understanding of how power operates in the contemporary world.
7. Championing the Culture of Jihad, Martyrdom, and the Sublime Vision
Long before the triumph of the 1979 Revolution, the sagacious leader embodied a revolutionary and Jihadi spirit, consistently championing the culture and literature of sacrifice as the pinnacle of human values. As a titan of this ethos, he was instrumental in popularising the narratives of martyrdom. He devoted immense time to the arts and literature of resistance and maintained a profound, personal connection with the families of the fallen, drawing no distinction between Shia and Sunni, or Christian and Armenian martyrs.

 

He held in the highest esteem those devout commanders and soldiers—warriors like Chamran, Babaei, Kazemi, and the late General Soleimani, as well as monumental figures such as Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah. He was himself a chronicler of this struggle, knowing the intimate details of everyone from the “anonymous volunteers” (Basij) to the high-ranking generals. His regular audiences with the families, children, and even grandchildren of the martyrs were profound displays of empathy and spiritual kinship.

 

A man of divine devotion, the leader frequently sought the grace of martyrdom for himself, beseeching the Almighty that his journey in this transitory world should conclude with the ultimate sacrifice. He spoke with striking clarity: “The finest of all deaths is martyrdom. The highest reward for one who struggles in the path of God is to drink from the sublime chalice of martyrdom. Blessed are those dear souls, and may this great divine bounty be theirs!... O Lord! By the blood of the martyrs, by Thy saints, and by the Master of the Age [Imam Mahdi (AJ)], grant that our death too be martyrdom in Thy path” (1991).

 

His dedication to the culture of sacrifice was rooted in a desire to build a healthy and virtuous society—one based on the total purification of existence and the dedication of all efforts to seek God's pleasure and the salvation of humanity. In his view, “Martyrdom means that a human being offers their most precious and beloved worldly asset for an ideal which they believe will benefit all of mankind” (2002).

 

He translated complex concepts of Islamic mysticism (Irfan) into the accessible language of self-sacrifice. He once remarked: “Self-sacrifice (Ithar) means the negation of the self; it is the refusal to count oneself. This is the very first stance of a martyr” (1997). Within the leader's school of thought, this culture was the primary source for cultivating a generation of sublime spiritual character—a generation that birthed the “Companions of Arbaeen” and the devotees of spiritual retreats (I'tikaf), a phenomenon nearly unparalleled in history.

 

Through this path, he nurtured the great civilisational capital of the Islamic Revolution. While the nuances of this realm are too vast for this essay, they remain a vital compass for understanding the legacy of a leader defined by his pursuit of the divine through sacrifice.
8. Scientism and Knowledge-Based Progress
In Islamic and divine thought, the highest value is reserved for knowledge and erudition. The martyred leader was deeply influenced by the school of Imam Ali (AS), who taught: “Knowledge is the pinnacle of all virtues, and knowledge is the ultimate destination of all excellence” (Mizan al-Hikmah, Vol. 8: P 7; H: 13753). To him, knowledge was the bedrock of all success and progress—the compass for finding a righteous and viable path forward. He viewed science as inherently synonymous with power; it empowers its possessor, and when manifested at the level of a nation, it bestows strength, wealth, and capability, elevating every dimension of life and labour. In the words of Imam Ali (AS): “Knowledge is the finest of all possessions” (ibid.: p 8; H: 13760).

 

This was the central thesis of the martyred leader’s thought that knowledge is the root of all goodness, while ignorance and lack of awareness are the seeds of all misfortune and deviation. He revived the prophetic tradition in both word and deed, echoing the Messenger of God (PBUH): “Knowledge is the head of all good, and ignorance is the head of all evil.” This outlook was woven into the very fabric of his leadership, establishing a tradition of Scientism and an unrelenting drive towards academic and research excellence. In his view, “science and knowledge,” alongside “faith,” were the most critical components of national power and the foundation of a country's comprehensive advancement.

 

Discussing the strategic importance of science, he remarked (2011c): “We have said that Knowledge is Sovereignty (Al-Ilm Sultan). Science is authority. According to the tradition, whoever attains this knowledge and authority can 'prevail' (Saal) upon the world—meaning they can pursue their own objectives. Whoever fails to possess it, will be 'prevailed upon' (Seel Alayh); that is, they will be governed by others.” Indeed, he regarded science as a resource for achieving goals, a source of prestige, and a driver of wealth-creation, military prowess, and political influence (2011a). He insisted, however, that it must be acquired “for service, for spirituality, for the advancement of human virtues, and for the genuine defence of human rights” (2011a).

 

Consequently, the martyred leader emphasised the “Scientific Jihad,” referring to science in its broadest sense—not merely the empirical sciences. He (2011c) spoke of dismantling the obstacles and “monopolies” that hinder scientific growth, as well as the “parsimony” found in certain intellectual spheres. He focused on “maintaining scientific momentum,” “achieving scientific authority,” “attaining self-sufficiency,” and “breaking the frontiers of knowledge.” His vision included “scientific innovation and courage,” “movement towards scientific independence,” the “nexus between industry and university,” and “strategic investment in research.” He viewed scientific progress as a collective responsibility of all state institutions, stressing that it must be tailored to meet the country's actual needs.

 

Beyond policy, the beloved leader shared a profound personal bond with books and reading. He possessed a deep intimacy with civilisational studies, classical and revolutionary literature, and the works of great Iranian and international thinkers. He was a tireless advocate for the expansion of wisdom and the cultivation of a reading culture.
9. Independence and the Consolidation of National Power
One of the most defining characteristics of the martyred leader was his commitment to fortifying the foundations of Iranian independence. From this vantage point, he dedicated serious attention to strengthening the nation’s defensive capabilities—a strategy whose fruits are evident today, positioning Iran as one of the world's five major powers. This prowess was vividly demonstrated during the “Twelve-Day War” against the hegemonic United States and the occupying Israeli regime in June 2025, and subsequently in the third war of March 2026.

 

This defensive strength projected a sense of profound empowerment to both the Iranian people and the global community, compelling major military powers—despite their colossal budgets and arsenals of mass destruction—to yield. The United States, which maintains military bases in 160 countries with an estimated value of nearly $9 trillion, was forced to kneel before a powerful nation and a resilient defensive system, proving the undeniable capabilities of Iran. Another source of this independence has been the flourishing of indigenous knowledge, transforming Iran into a global hub for eminent scientists and securing its place among the world’s top ten nations in critical scientific fields.

 

With this same overarching vision, the leader emphasised “Resistance Economy” as the driver of Iran's progress. The “resistant” nature of this development ensures independence, robustness, and strength in the face of threats and sanctions. It provides the strategic capacity to guarantee the health, prosperity, vitality, and dignity of a nation—phenomena that resonate across the fundamental economic, cultural, and political sectors of development.

 

Resistance Economy is a concept born from the unique circumstances of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is inherently counter-hegemonic, challenging the discourse of major global powers while remaining rooted in Islamic and Iranian values—forming the bedrock of the “Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress.” While centred on economic resilience, it is a multi-faceted phenomenon encompassing “resistance culture,” “resistance politics,” and even “resistance intellectualism,” all backed by powerful public support. Resistance culture serves as the foundation for comprehensive cultural health, extending across the entire trajectory of industrial, agricultural, and service development.

 

Furthermore, this culture of resistance does not lead to isolation; rather, it facilitates constructive engagement with the world by relying on the civilisational and cultural capacities of Iranian Islamic society. Similarly, “resistance politics” refers to the sovereign and political dimensions that lead to political dynamism and the consolidation of strategic capacities on the national, regional, and global stages.
10. Deep Insight into the Enemy and Colonial Power Structures
An emancipated leader, fortified by both divine faith and national self-belief, he embodied a relentless spirit of resistance against global hegemony and colonialism. He possessed a profound understanding of this “malignant tumour”—as he termed the colonial mindset—that had long seeped into the hearts and minds of people worldwide. Beneath the gloss and veneer of the modern global order, he clearly discerned the “claws of the colonial wolf.” He was a scholar of anti-colonialism who understood not only the policies and methods of such powers but, more crucially, their underlying intellectual foundations.

 

Echoing the stance of the late Grand Ayatollah Imam Khomeini (RIP), he placed immense emphasis on identifying the “Great Satan”—the United States—as the primary adversary of the Revolution and the world’s oppressed. In his 2020 New Year address, he stated: “Today, our most sinister enemy is undoubtedly the United States. While we do not lack enemies, the most malicious and obstinate is America. US officials are liars, charlatans, and brazenly greedy—their rhetoric is marked by moral decadence. They are oppressive, cold-hearted, and ruthlessly terrorist... they possess every negative trait in isolation. This is the nature of the enemy we face today.”

 

He tirelessly advocated for public awareness regarding the strategies and temperaments of colonial and hegemonic systems. Addressing young scientific elites in October 2017, he remarked: “Know your enemy. One of the greatest dangers threatening any nation is the failure to recognise its adversary—to mistake an enemy for a friend or a neutral party. This is a form of somnolence. You must know the enemy and their methods of hostility; see how they wage their war.”

 

He warned against complacency, asserting: “If we are negligent, we will be plundered; if we falter, we will be victims of a surprise attack. As Commander of the Faithful [Imam Ali (AS)] stated in the Nahj al-Balagha: 'By God, I shall not be like the badger that is lulled to sleep by a rhythmic tune.' I will not sleep; I am awake and I understand what is happening around me. This is what is expected of us; we must not fall into slumber.”

 

The martyred leader possessed an exhaustive mastery of Western colonial history. He observed (2013c): “History will never allow the West to wash the stain of colonialism from its garment. Proclamations of human rights and democracy cannot erase the record of Western powers in Asia, Africa, and Latin America... They committed those acts under the guise of colonialism then, and today they pursue the same maps and objectives under different forms.”

 

A fundamental distrust of the United States was a recurring theme in his discourse—a stance validated by the “betrayal, trickery, and hypocrisy” witnessed in recent history. America’s failure to uphold its commitments has been starkly proven in the recent “Twelve-Day War” (June 2025) and the “Ramadan War” (February 2026). Even now, as we navigate the current ceasefire process, this pattern of bad faith and the violation of treaties remains palpably evident.
Conclusion: Advancing the New Islamic Civilisation through a Civilisational Approach
The foundational essence of the martyred leader’s thought across the diverse realms of science, faith, progress, ethics, literature, and Tawhid was the sublime goal of forging a “New Islamic Civilisation.” It is evident that his school of thought represented a systematic and purposeful vision—a Tawhid-based and justice-oriented approach aimed at establishing the hallmarks of a contemporary Islamic civilisation. This is a civilisation characterised by universal justice and security, providing health and comfort for all, and striving towards a world free from oppression and the violation of the rights of humans and all living beings.

 

Achieving such a world necessitates adherence to Divine guidance and respect for human rights based on a comprehensive model that addresses all fundamental human needs. This model has evolved through a historical lineage of Divine prophets—from Adam and Abraham to Moses, Jesus, and the Seal of the Prophets, Muhammad (PBUTA). The eternal health and felicity of humanity depend upon the degree to which these Divine laws are observed and enacted.

 

The school of this sagacious and martyred leader cannot be fully encapsulated in so brief a summary; it requires extensive detail and profound interpretation to truly grasp his divine character and the philosophy behind his lifelong struggles, jihads, and steadfastness. Such an exploration offers a clear portrait of a life lived in accordance with the values of a New Islamic Civilisation—a task I hope to undertake in a more detailed treatise in the future.

 

May the Almighty unite that great icon of resistance and wisdom—who played a monumental historical role in shifting the course of history and decolonising the world—with the martyrs of Karbala. May His sublime soul find eternal peace in the proximity of the Divine Saints, and may He count us among the sincere followers of his path. We look forward to the continuation of his intellectual legacy and tradition as the Islamic Revolution moves forward. Undoubtedly, the profound thinker of the Revolution, Ayatollah Sayyid Mojtaba Hosseini Khamenei (HAF), will uphold this same tradition, and we shall witness days of even greater majesty for this noble nation and for the civilisational heartland of Iran.
References
Ibn Musa, Abu al-Hasan Muhammad ibn al-Husayn (Sayyid Razi). (2013). Nahj al-Balagha (A. Taqudiri, Trans.). Tehran: Yaran-e Javan Publications.
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (1989, 16 June). Address at the Graduation Ceremony for Students and Cadets. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=2096. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (1993, 3 August). Address at the Presidential Endorsement Ceremony for Hujjat al-Islam Hashemi Rafsanjani. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=7547. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (1998, 29 January). Address during a meeting with Government Officials. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=2552. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2004, 16 May). Address to Professors and Students in Kurdistan Province. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=6917. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2011a, 7 August). Address during a meeting with Officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=16889. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2011b, 10 August). Address during an audience with a gathering of University Students. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=16912. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2011c, 28 December). Address to Ambassadors and Heads of Diplomatic Missions of the Islamic Republic of Iran abroad. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=1654. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2012a, 20 March). Address at the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza (as). Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=22233. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2012b, 20 March). Nowruz Message on the Occasion of the New Year (2013). Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/message-content?id=25952. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2013a, 21 March). Address at the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza (as). Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=3314. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2013b, 8 June). Address to the participants of the International Holy Quran Competitions. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=2633. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2013c, 29 April). Address to the Global Congress of Scholars and Islamic Awakening. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=22405. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2015a, 16 September). Address via video link to the People of Qom. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=1657. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2015b, 11 November). Address during a meeting with Chancellors of Universities, Research Centres, and Science and Technology Parks. Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=31386. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2015c, 19 January). Address to State Officials and Guests of the International Islamic Unity Conference. Retrieved from http://farsi.khamenei.ir/keyword-content?id=1684. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2018, 15 June). Address during a meeting with Academic Elites and Top Talents. Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=40725. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2023a, 27 September). Address to the organisers of the Second National Congress in Honour of the Martyrs of Hamedan Province. Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=54021. 
Khamenei, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali. (2023b, 2 May). Address during a meeting with Teachers. Retrieved from https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=52723. 
Mo’meni, S. M. (2025, April 21). “Without Reading Hafez, Sleep Would Not Come.” Interview with Sayyid Ali Khamenei, Session 3; Interviewer: Hamid Rouhani. Centre for Islamic Revolution Documents. https://farsi.khamenei.ir/others-report?id=60041.
Mohammadi Reyshahri, Mohammad. (2006). Mizan al-Hikmah (Vol. 8). Qom: Dar al-Hadith Publications.
Qurashi, Ali Akbar. (1973). Qamus al-Quran (Vol. 2). Tehran: Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyah Publications.

 

 

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